Your choice of a path for professional self-realization should be based on the obvious advantages that you have from birth. And this, first of all, is a rare gift of a diplomat. You know how to negotiate. Therefore, the field of activity that is most suitable for you is private commercial initiatives, where everything rests on an honest word in the literal sense of expression, and where mutual trust and respect mean much more than the clauses of current legislation.
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You can also be successful in the public service, in any field related to art, medicine, education, advertising. If you wish, you can become a true expert in the field of business communications. In addition, you are indispensable as a reliable assistant and wise adviser. Kindness, peacefulness and non-conflict character make you an almost perfect spouse.
But there are two factors slightly overshadowing this rosy picture. The first one is your insecurity. Simply put, if you get a good partner, you will doubt that you deserve it. And this is a weak position in marriage. But even if it consists of only shortcomings, even then you will not be sure of the fairness of your assessment.
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And these are endless "second chances" and a constant retreat. The second negative factor is your tendency to become depressed when the world turns to you with sharp corners. The partner will need patience and understanding to take you out of this state every time. It seemed unlikely to them that Japanese have no positive feelings attached to their selves. They hypothesized that somehow Japanese do not allow these feelings to be detected overtly. To test this, they ran two experiments that hid the aim of assessing self-esteem, measuring instead implicit self-esteem.
For the letter experiment, they asked Japanese undergraduate students to rate each of the 45 hiragana , part of the Japanese writing system , according to how much they liked it. The number 49 was chosen as the upper limit to mask the true aim of the study, which 31 being the maximum number of days in a month might have hinted at.
Likewise, the number 0 was included for disguise. Participants had to give ratings on a six-point scale, ranging from 1, if they disliked the number very much, to 6, if they liked it very much. Once done, participants were asked for various demographic data, including their birthdays. Analysis of the letter preference data revealed a name-letter effect: an enhanced liking for letters in the participant's own name. For each number, the researchers first calculated the mean liking by participants who did not have that number in their birthday. These means served as a baseline.
For each participant 50 relative liking scores were computed between the baseline of a number and the actual preference. The effect was stronger for higher numbers, over 12, than for lower numbers. The effect was weakest for males and their birth month only a 0. Overall, women showed a greater liking for the numbers in their birthday than men did.
Kitayama and Karasawa concluded that the patterns in the findings from both experiments were most consistent with the hypothesis that the preference is due to an attachment to the self. These feelings leak out to stimuli that are closely associated with the self, not just names and birthdates, but also, implicitly, their constituent letters and numbers.
The researchers suggested that the effect is stronger for higher numbers because in daily life these numbers are less saturated with other meanings, other than their associations with birthdays. An alternative explanation for the birthday-number effect that had to be tested is mere exposure. If it were true that the numbers in one's birthday are used disproportionately in one's daily life, then the preference for numbers in one's birthday could simply be a preference for what is most frequent.
Zajonc found in his s and s lab studies that familiarity can strongly influence preference, and coined the term "mere exposure effect".
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Kitayama and Karasawa concluded that Japanese people do indeed have warm feelings towards themselves, just like Americans and Europeans, but that these feelings are masked when explicitly asked for. They speculated that the reason for this masking lies in the Japanese tendency to attend to negative, undesirable features by way of improving the self. By , Kitayama and Karasawa's original study had been cited in over scientific papers.
The first follow-up study looked at cultural differences. In their paper presented at the American Psychological Association 's annual conference in Chicago, in August , they reported the same result: a preference for birthday numbers. They did find a much stronger effect though, which according to the researchers could be due to Americans' tendency towards self-enhancement.
The second follow-up study was done in by Kitayama and Uchida. They sought to investigate the relationship between a person's name-letter effect and his or her birthday-number effect, given that Kitayama and Karasawa had suspected a single driving force behind both. As they had predicted, Kitayama and Uchida found that within a person the two effects were correlated. In , Bosson, Swann and Pennebaker tested seven measures of implicit self-esteem, including the birthday-number task and name-letter task, and four measures of explicit self-esteem.
On average, respondents scored their birthday number 0. When the researchers retested all seven implicit self-esteem measures, the birthday-number task was one of three that produced similar results.
Later studies investigated aspects of the effect. Koole, Dijksterhuis, and van Knippenberg sought to explore how automatic the preference process was. They did this with both numbers and letters.
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They divided participants into two groups. The first group was asked to give quick, intuitive reactions stating preferences for the stimuli. The second group was asked to reason why they liked some numbers better than others and to analyse which features of the numbers they liked. They argued that thinking about reasons instigates deliberative overriding of implicit self-esteem effects.
Jones, Pelham, Mirenberg, and Hetts investigated how the effect held up under so-called 'threats' to the self. Earlier research by Koole, Smeets, van Knippenberg, and Dijksterhuis had already shown that the name-letter effect is influenced by a perceived threat.
What they found was consistent with previous findings: people who liked themselves a lot liked the numbers in their birthday and the letters of their name even more when an aspect of their self seemed under threat. This is predicted by the theory of unconscious self-enhancement. It can not be explained by mere exposure theory. Nickell, Pederson, and Rossow looked for effects with significant years. They asked 83 undergraduate students to rate, on a scale from 1 to 7, how much they liked the years between and , the months of the year, the seasons, times of day, and even types of pet in an attempt to disguise the aim of the study.
Analysis of the data showed that participants liked the year of their birth much more than the average of the four years after they were born. The researchers also found that the year of high school graduation was also liked better than average. Of the months of the year, the most liked month was the one in which the participants were born. Falk, Heine, Takemura, Zhang and Hsu investigated the validity of implicit self-esteem measures to assess cultural differences. They asked participants from six countries to rate numbers between 1 and They found that in countries where gifts are exchanged on 24 December participants disproportionately preferred the number 24, whereas in countries that do this on 25 December participants preferred In psychological assessments , the birthday-number effect has been exploited to measure implicit self-esteem.
There is no standard method for applying the task.
The most commonly used one is a rating task, which involves having participants judge all the numbers under a certain threshold typically over 31 to mask the purpose of assessing connections to dates , indicating how much they like them on a 7-point rating scale. At least six algorithms are in use. In their meta-analysis of the name-letter effect, Stieger, Voracek, and Formann recommend using the ipsatized double-correction algorithm. Stieger, Voracek, and Formann recommend that the task involve both letter preference and number preference, that it be administered twice, and that the instructions focus on liking rather than attractiveness.
Researchers have looked for wider implications of the birthday-number effect on preferences, both inside and outside the lab. They looked at people who were born on 2 February, 3 March, 4 April, etc. Simonsohn tried to replicate the finding in different ways but without success. He found no effect of just the day of birthday on the town e.
He also found no effect of birthday number on street, address, or apartment number.
Jones, Pelham, Carvallo and Mirenberg investigated the influence of number preference on interpersonal attraction. In a lab study they showed US participants text profiles of people.